Umberto Santino, because this issue
This file was created by multiple esigenze. La prima è di raccogliere una documentazione preziosa, attualmente dispersa, riguardante la presenza della mafia al Cantiere navale di Palermo, dalle denunce dell'operaio e sindacalista Gioacchino Basile all'inchiesta condotta dalla Procura di Palermo che nel luglio del 1997 ha portato all'arresto dei mafiosi e dei loro complici operanti nel Cantiere.
La seconda esigenza è di ripercorrere un itinerario esemplare che va oltre la vicenda individuale. Gioacchino Basile ha cominciato a denunciare la presenza mafiosa nel Cantiere nel 1987 e da allora ha vissuto un vera e propria via crucis, le cui stazioni principali sono state l'espulsione dalla CGIL, il licenziamento della Fincantieri e ora il forzato esilio lontano da Palermo, per sfuggire alla Mafia retaliation. This story is not accidental but is indicative of something larger that the conditions in which there was the fight mafia 80s until today.
The third requirement is to put the issue to the attention of the Shipyard, which could be dismantled in the general indifference, as if it were a private matter for workers and trade unionists. The Mafia in the Yard
The presence of the mafia to the shipyard is not a new fact. There is no comprehensive history of the Shipyard (and is a serious shortcoming, since it has been and remains to this day the most important industry in Palermo and one of the largest production companies in Sicily and Southern Italy), but the mafia and the role of the shipyard workers in the fight against the Mafia know something. If you already
last decade of last century, before and during each of the Fasci Siciliani (1892-1894), the workers of the general navigation of Florio, the largest industrial plant of the island, they begin to take an autonomous role, breaking with paternalism house and forming the nucleus of the "international socialist movement," is in the years preceding the rise of fascism that workers experience the first forms of collaboration with the peasant movement, spreading the anti-mafia front. In 1920, fall at the hands of the mafia main contributors to the political unit. On March 1 a Prizzi viene ucciso Nicolò Alongi, dirigente del movimento contadino, e il 14 ottobre a Palermo viene assassinato Giovanni Orcel, segretario federale della FIOM. Quei delitti, come tantissimi altri, sono rimasti impuniti.
Ricordiamo l'impegno e il sacrificio di Alongi e Orcel perché troppo spesso negli ultimi anni si è parlato di un'attività antimafia cominciata solo da poco, in pratica dopo l'assassinio di Dalla Chiesa o dopo le stragi di Capaci e di via D'Amelio. Invece abbiamo alle spalle una lotta contro la mafia lunga almeno un secolo, che fino agli anni '50 si è caratterizzata come specifico della lotta di classe in Sicilia e come movimento di massa, con centinaia di migliaia di persone continuativamente mobilitate, e dagli anni '80 ad oggi, in un contesto profondamente mutato, ha dato vita a grandi manifestazioni dopo i delitti più eclatanti, ma poi si è risolta nell'impegno quotidiano di pochi.
Nel secondo dopoguerra il Cantiere navale è in prima linea nella lotta contro la mafia che ha come protagonista il movimento contadino. Nel gennaio del 1947, l'anno più duro nello scontro con la mafia, al Cantiere navale i mafiosi, capeggiati dal boss dell'Acquasanta Nicola D'Alessandro, sparano sugli operai che non tollerano la presenza mafiosa nel Cantiere e chiedono l'allontanamento del direttore della mensa Emilio Ducci, appoggiato dai mafiosi. Vengono feriti gli operai Francesco Paolo Di Fiore e Antonino Lo Surdo. Va sottolineato: i mafiosi erano dentro il Yard, ran the table, controlled the hiring, with the full consent of the employer.
What has happened in recent years, once replaced the private and public employers? The mafiosi have lorded it cannot handle the subcontracts, but this could not have happened without the consent, and the convenience of Fincantieri. Galatolo I could manage only because it led to outsourcing and Fincantieri, which is a state but they perform no more or less like any entrepreneur or colluding partner, defendant grab cheap labor, reduce the workforce of the shipyard and increase the activity of micro-satellites.
Representatives Fincantieri have denied and continue to deny the presence of the Mafia, and this behavior resembles closely to something called code of silence. We do not understand under what elements of representatives of the institutions have endorsed the statements of the executives: they are uninformed or defend the Fincantieri for a sort of "reason of state"?
What is certain is that Fincantieri is not an isolated case. Large companies, private or state, have a long tradition of coexistence with the mafia and government intervention in the 50s then had a decisive role in the configuration of the Mafia as a state bourgeoisie. The recent revelations of Mafia collaborators of justice are not only confirm things you already knew, and against which they struggled was when it happens properly and were highly visible, at least for those who wanted to keep their eyes open.
To analyze the activities of mafia groups within or in close proximity to the shipyard is no need to bother the so-called "mafia entrepreneur ', a term with which they wanted to indicate a phantom mutation of the Mafia by a parasitic production occurred in the 70s: in those years there was a shift from a "traditional mafia," in competition for honor and power, to a "mafia entrepreneur" who would only then discovered the competition for wealth.
In fact, as I have pointed out in many writings, the less fortunate that free reconstruction, the evolution of the Mafia is a combination of continuity and innovation, so archaic aspects, such as 'territorial sovereignty', are combined with post-modern aspects such as the use of electronic means to launder money . Even more free the stereotype that old mafia wants good supplanted by a mafia bad: the mafia who fired on the peasants and trade unionists were no less ruthless of the "Corleone." But anyhow, "the old mafia 'and' new Mafia 'stereotypes are so ingrained that even now more than one does not lose the opportunity to venture into yet another discovery of America, knowing that the Mafia is a system adaptive, with a high degree of elasticity, without being a mutant adrift. It adapts to changes in society but does not renounce the use of violence, if anything, after the most sensational crimes of the boomerang effect will apply more caution, but reinforces those carries legal illegal is being internationalized but maintains strong links with local roots.
Stand with your feet on the ground, the companies operating the Dockyard mini-companies are controlled by the mafia and if you compare their turnover with the storage capacity of the family Madonia, who has a significant role in the international trafficking of drugs and direct mandate which lies at the Shipyard, it is shown once again that the vocation and the mob in the exercise of territorial sovereignty is part of all activities that occur in a particular area and further confirmed the hypothesis of the current mafia mafia as financial and prevalence of illegal accumulation: only part of the accumulated capital is used to manage business activities, as those of the shipyard and the others were from research published in the book The mafia enterprise. The rest flows into financial circuits (the liberalization of capital movements and globalization promote the symbiotic relationship between illegal and legal capital) or is reinvested in illegal activities. The
because of the isolation of
Gioacchino Basile Basile is not but as some would have a solo block. The first document which condemns the role of gangsters in the yard is a complaint to the Prosecutor of Palermo, in May of 1987, signed by 120 workers. Then Basile has played a role in organizing trade unions, was elected to the Board of the factory, but this is not worth making a collective struggle of his battle with the union head, as in the days of mass anti-mafia movement. Basile was found alone, more alone, because he stayed where it was and everyone else has done more than a step backwards.
Isolated from the union, isolated from the Communist Party (in the dossier published a letter to national leaders of the PCI that ebbe risposta), isolato anche dagli altri operai, almeno da un certo punto in poi. Sappiamo quanto poco affidabile sia la televisione, con la sua capacità di ridurre tutto a una poltiglia di frasi fatte e luoghi comuni, ma certo le cose che dicevano, e quelle che non dicevano, gli operai intervenuti a una recente trasmissione erano dettate da qualcos'altro che il panico del microfono.
Per qualche tempo accanto a Basile sono stati alcuni partiti politici, soprattutto la Rete, e alcuni soggetti della società civile, soprattutto l'associazione Coordinamento antimafia. Purtroppo era un periodo in cui la frammentazione era giunta al massimo, le contrapposizioni erano molto forti e ciò non ha consentito una solidarietà attiva più ampia e appropriate to the seriousness of the situation.
example is the story of the failure of the Convention Center Impastato given by the mafia in 1988, when Palermo was the problem or may not be wholeheartedly advocates of "Spring came," trying to start a process of renewal, but contained serious contradictions, such as centrality of the DC and the presence of men in Lima between the assessors, which also include people like Vincenzo Inzerillo, already "talked" and subsequently indicted for criminal association. The agreement failed because of the attitude of civil society but especially for the serious shortcomings of unions.
Our aim, by publishing questo dossier, è chiaro: invitiamo a ripensare quelle vicende, in cui si inserisce la vicenda Basile. Invitiamo i sindacati, i partiti, la società civile: chi è stato a fianco di Basile e da un certo punto in poi non c'è stato più; chi non c'è stato e vuole esserci, attribuendo alla sua vicenda il significato emblematico di spia di un'intera stagione, non definitivamente tramontata.
Chiediamo a tutti un atto di maturità che gioverebbe a superare la situazione attuale. Finora siamo riusciti a stringere le fila solo nei momenti di grande emozione suscitata dai delitti più eclatanti (Dalla Chiesa, Falcone e Borsellino), per ritornare qualche tempo dopo alla dispersione e all'insularità. Discutere di ciò happened is not necessary if we want to repeat the same mistakes and should be a precondition for launching a single work. The problems posed by the Shipyard can form the basis of that commitment.
The shipyard has a future?
The current dispute with Fincantieri is a crucial point. The Shipyard is likely to be further reduced, and sold off. Fincantieri wants to dismantle it and move on hand, the national government has intervened very late, but it is all too clear that it has a policy for the South, has endorsed the regional plan Fincantieri, has deserted the meetings and only in recent days has given some signs of readiness, the Province and the City said they were on the side dei lavoratori ma non è più il momento di solidarietà verbali. Il problema Cantiere non è una qualsiasi vertenza sindacale ma è un nodo essenziale per Palermo, per la Sicilia e per l'intero Mezzogiorno, un banco di prova su cui si verifica chi è amico a parole e nemico di fatto, e se le solidarietà sono solo formali o danno vita ad atti concreti. Gli operai hanno già avviato iniziative per incontrare e coinvolgere la città (anche se poi in alcune manifestazioni si sono registrati episodi che rischiano di aggravare l'indifferenza e di allontanare i cittadini). Con questo intendimento abbiamo lanciato un appello che vuole trasformare la vertenza-Cantiere in vertenza-Città. Abbiamo raccolto le prime adesioni e vogliamo sperare che not only on paper.
We're just in its infancy and we know it will be tough: the strength of the opponent, the repercussions of globalization and Europeanization, through the power of old bad habits die hard. We want to also try. Starting from some results on the whole it was possible to achieve: the complaints of Basile found an outlet on the judicial level, the city has grown, although there are contradictory signals, at the institutional level it is possible alliances.
Unanimity is not needed, indeed it is harmful, but a large deployment is now possible. As long as everyone does their part in full.
Ps: The Dossier in question is several years out.
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